If you dont come to Madressah, madressah will come to you

Some pics from the new proposed English text books for Public/Private schools by Bait-ul-Ilm Trust under supervision of Deobandi madressahs, Jamiatul Uloom Islamia Binori Town and Darul Uloom Korangi Karachi.

These textbooks have been prepared under the patronage of Justice(retd) Taqi Usmani, a controversial figure for his Islamic banking project, and dr Abdul razaq Iskander, principal Jamiatul uloom Islamia New Town(Binori Town).

The pics with no facial appearances, burqa clad women and emphasis on Islamic notions like Aoozobillah, Inshallah, Allah Ta’alaa etc shows the soft islamism on the rise

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Benazir Bhutto: The Eighth Queen of Shah Latif – by Suleman Akhtar

The aura of her was something most frightful for the mindset that had evolved over the later period of her lifetime – an unshapely blend of religious intolerance, jingoism, counterfeit cultural assimilation and hegemonic masculinity. She was abhorred, loathed and scorned like anything just as she was adored, esteemed and revered like a goddess. The disciples of darkness and hatred came out winners on that freezing evening of December when the beautiful blue around her body was replaced with the withered white. The tricolor, at the end of the day, served as her coffin as it had for her family and many of her people.

Pakistan was a different place after Zia-ul-haq’s eleven year long tyrannical rule. The phenomenon of radicalization of society, to the interests of handful, which had been contrived with the Objectives resolution and further substantiated by the Doctrine of Necessity shenanigan, had grown in full swing in Zia’s era. That was not only Z. A. Bhutto who paid the heavy price of breaching the sacred cloak of rogue state but the society, on the whole, underwent severe deterioration at the hands of a madman. Such was a hostile environment when BB swore in as first ever woman Prime minister of Pakistan with the words: “We gather together to celebrate freedom, to celebrate democracy, to celebrate the three most beautiful words in the English language: `”We the People.”  Soon this became evident who were the ones  entitled to call the shots when a military General, Aslam Baig, who had been conferred upon medal of Democracy by BB, was found as main perpetrator of operation Midnight Jackal – an alleged design to topple the democratic government. BB, notwithstanding, was as adamant for the supremacy of people’s rule against all odds as ever.

Dauntless and unshakeable BB never succumbed to pervaded ethos of predominant Mullah-Military mindset and always took the lead in calling out the bigotry. While on her trip to United Kingdom in 1990, Benazir Bhutto paid a visit to Dr. Abdus Salam, a Nobel laureate in Physics, where she had paid great respect to Abdus Salam. The act caused a fury of fundamentals against her and back home she was termed as Ahmadiya only for paying homage to an Ahmadiya scientist. She rebuffed comments made by Muhammad Ijaz-ul-Haq in May 2007 regarding the knighthood of Salman Rushdie, citing that he was calling for the assassination of foreign citizens. “I’m glad there was no cease-fire with the militants in the mosque because cease-fires simply embolden the militants,” She was heard saying this on Britain’s Sky TV after the Red Mosque Incident. Her undeterred stance on Lal Mosque fiasco lost her a significant support in Urban Punjab and made her a legitimate target in the eyes of bloodthirsty beasts.

BB had witnessed the horrific mayhem brought out to the society in the form of sectarian and religious antagonism by the messengers of darkness. She was well aware where the fault lines of contention lied. She dedicated last years of her life in unveiling the root cause of decline in Muslim societies in general and Pakistani society in particular – A no man’s land where the wings of intellectual and political dwarfs start burning. In her riveting and most insightful posthumous book “Reconciliation: Islam, Democracy and the West”, she candidly unraveled the quandary confronted by the Muslims. “One billion Muslims around the world seemed united in their outrage at the war in Iraq, damning the deaths of Muslims caused by U.S. military intervention without U.N. approval. But there has been little if any similar outrage against the sectarian civil war, which has led to far more casualties. Obviously and embarrassingly, Muslim leaders, masses and even intellectuals are quite comfortable criticizing outsiders for the harm inflicted on fellow Muslims, but there is deadly silence when they are confronted with Muslim-on-Muslim violence.”

BB had always maintained that this was not the society itself causative entity breeding intolerance and bigotry, but the handful of minority had hijacked the societal values to its vicious interests. She had unshakeable faith in the collective conscious of her people and never backtracked for her firm resolve. She went on publicly calling out the handfuls: “Who jin ke siwa sab kaafar heiN, Jo deen ka harf-e-akhar heiN, un jhootoN aur makaaroN se, Mazhab ke thekedaaroN se, Main bhagi huN main bhagi huN”. She was well aware of the universal truth that change, if any, had to come from within and couldn’t be imposed from outside. She had this proud relation with her soil that she had embarked upon to reclaim: “I am daughter of Indus, I am daughter of Taxila, I am an heir of this 5000 years old civilization”

BB belonged to the land of Sindhu – the land of Bhittai. The land of seven queens of Bhittai – the land of Marvi, Momal, Sassi, Noori, Sohni, Sorath, and Lila; who are valued for their bravery and courage to choose love and freedom over tyranny and oppression. In spite of succumbing to the vehement character assassination campaign run by the inventors of ‘Chaadar and Chaar-deewari” and ‘Hudood”, BB chose to stand to the misogynists who had refused to salute her for being the ‘woman’ Prime minister. BB’s was the struggle of a Muslim woman that had never been surpassed since the days BB Zainab (s.a) had delivered those historic sermons in the streets of Damascus. The skies on the land of the pure probably would never see the crowd of hundreds of thousands chanting and getting mesmerized by a woman. She recounts the day when her plane landed in Karachi in 2007: “A display of emotion by a woman in politics and government can be misconstructed as a manifestation of weakness, reinforcing stereotypes and caricatures. But as my foot touched the ground of my beloved Pakistan for the first time, I couldn’t stop tears pouring from my eyes…I felt that a huge burden, a terrible weight had been lifted from my shoulders. I was home at long last. I knew why. I knew what I had to do.”

If Bhittai were alive today, he would write about her eighth queen of Sindh. He would make her the queen of all the seven queens and would ask them to bow down to her. If he were alive, he would write the Sindhu as the beloved of Benazir. He would mourn the death of Benazir along with his seven queens, if he were alive.

“Tell me the stories, oh thorn-brush, Of the mighty merchants of the Indus, Of the nights and the days of the prosperous times, Are you in pain now, oh thorn-brush? Because they have departed: In protest, cease to flower. Oh thorn-brush, how old were you When the river was in full flood? Have you seen any way-farers Who could be a match of the Banjaras? True, the river has gone dry, And worthless plants have begun to flourish on the brink.” – Bhittai

Source: CriticalPPP

Politics of change —Fahd Ali

Any attempt to transform Pakistan or bring a ‘change’ in this country must begin with the struggle against the military’s dominance in Pakistan’s political economy. Khan sahib’s PTI does not offer any programme against these challenges

If nothing else, Imran Khan has taken the media circus by storm! Since his famous jalsa (rally) in Lahore’s Minto Park, everybody seems to be taken with his politics of ‘change’. There is no doubt that after a long time in this country the youth is politically charged. They may not be able to articulate their support for Khan sahib’s politics very well but they do seem to see him as a leader who can meet their aspirations. Before I go further on whether Khan sahib can be an agent of much needed change in Pakistan, two points need further analysis. First, Imran Khan’s exclusive focus on the youth to form his support base, and second, why does the youth in this country support him.

Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf’s (PTI’s) main support from within the youth mostly comes from 18-34 year-old age group. This age group makes up roughly one-third of Pakistan’s population. If we assume the total population to be 180 million, then this age group stands at about 60 million people — all potential voters. In the previous national elections (2008), the total registered voters numbered a little over 80 million and, with a 44 percent turnout, almost 35 million polled their votes. The 18-34 age bracket of potential voters is therefore extremely important for any party in the next general elections. This group again is not evenly spread throughout Pakistan. It is mostly concentrated in Punjab and parts of Sindh and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). Punjab has the lion’s share in the total seats in the National Assembly, with over 50 percent contested from this province alone. It, therefore, makes sense why Punjab figures so much in the politics of political parties with national aspirations. The answer to the second question is also linked to the first. This 18-34 year-old group has come of age in the past 15 years, particularly in the last decade. The youth in Pakistan, especially from the middle and upper classes (mostly concentrated in central and North Punjab, Karachi, and parts of KP) faces a severe crisis of identity. This demographic group has grown under the larger rubric of Islamic nationalism that Pakistan’s military establishment has enforced upon us through the state’s education system, the media and establishment’s supporters in various Islamic and jihadi parties. This nationalist identity that centred strongly on religion has come under attack in the last decade in the context of the ‘war on terror’. The youth wants to keep its broad religious identity intact but does not want to come across as extremists. It wants to have friendly ties with India but does not want to lose the establishment’s narrative on Kashmir. It wants to stay rooted in tradition yet look ‘modern’. Imran Khan’s personality seems to offer a prolific compromise between all these contradictory trends/tensions. In some ways, his personality epitomises the personal aspirations of the urban middle class youth. Hence, the nearly fanatic support for Khan sahib and his politics.

But the youth is not the only section from where Khan sahib’s support comes from. There are strong rumours of overt and covert support coming from our military establishment — a rumour that gets credence when one sees old and new establishment horses either joining PTI’s ranks or currently in talks with them. This raises serious questions about Khan sahib being an agent of change. One is forced to question whether tried horses whose politics has always been of reinforcing the establishment’s grip on Pakistan’s internal affairs can help change this equation. I think not. We have to understand why the establishment is preparing a new candidate/party to enter national politics and what it plans to achieve by it. Two reasons come to mind. First, old allies like the PML-N have chosen to go their separate way and intend to weaken the establishment’s power in national politics. Whether this actually happens remains to be seen but the threat of a conflict looms large over the horizons if the N-League comes to power in the next general elections. The current government of the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) is firmly ensconced in the establishment’s lap but remains an untrustworthy ally, especially because of its support in Sindh. The PPP, when under threat, uses the Sindh card quite liberally and effectively. Second, in the post-2008 election scenario a genuine coalition of anti-establishment political forces was built and, with the ANP, PML-N, and PPP joining hands, a hung parliament was converted into a parliament of two-thirds majority. This opportunity to challenge the establishment in any meaningful way was squandered largely by the PPP. The establishment, by supporting Imran Khan, wants to ensure that such a situation does not arise again. If the national vote is split four ways (between the PPP, PML-N, MQM and PTI mostly) in the next general elections, then neither of the two big parties will be able to form a government without Khan sahib’s PTI. And as it seems right now, a PTI dominated by old establishment’s horses will have little power to bring any meaningful ‘change’ in the country. In some ways we are back to square one; this has the politics of the Islami Jamhoori Ittehad (IJI) writ large over it.

People are prone to seeing PTI’s politics as radical or revolutionary. In reality, Khan sahib does not represent any break from the politics and class structure prevalent in Pakistan. His politics is limited to challenging the corruption of individual politicians but falls short of posing any threat to the permanent political establishment of the country. The Pakistani army is Pakistan’s foremost problem. Pakistan’s history shows that the army’s alliance with imperialism has wreaked havoc with Pakistan’s polity in the past and continues to do so even today. The rise of religious fundamentalism and extremism in the country must also be seen in the same context. Pakistan’s military has deliberately cultivated religious extremism with the aid of imperialism to pursue its own narrow objectives in the country and the region. After a 10 year long war on terror, religious extremism and its permanent patron, the Pakistan Army, have now come to represent the foremost challenge to the well being of the people of this country. Therefore, any attempt to transform Pakistan or bring a ‘change’ in this country must begin with the struggle against the military’s dominance in Pakistan’s political economy. Khan sahib’s PTI, much like any other mainstream political party, does not offer any programme against these challenges. It does not see the military as a main obstacle in Pakistan’s path towards a more just and equitable society. It sees the military as the victim of local and international political designs rather than as the perpetrator of what is mostly wrong with Pakistan. PTI seeks to protect the military and its privileges but wants to hold politicians accountable for all their acts. There should not be any doubt in anyone’s mind that politicians, both in the government and the opposition, must be made accountable for their actions. This process of accountability, however, must be extended to our ‘beloved’ military generals as well. Khan sahib’s PTI is woefully quiet on this issue.

There is another important issue where Khan sahib’s politics is found wanting. Perhaps the most important struggle against the military’s hegemony in Pakistan is being waged right now in Balochistan. The Baloch have long struggled against the state for their rights that are routinely usurped. Like all other mainstream political parties, Khan sahib also wants to make the Baloch feel part of Pakistan again — he just does not tell us how he might do it. The support for the Baloch struggle is of paramount importance since it is a struggle against the status quo and for a more just and equitable Pakistan. Any political party that wants to struggle against the status quo must firmly ally itself with the Baloch. PTI’s statements on this issue are no different from what is usually churned out by the establishment (and some mainstream parties). It wants the Baloch to become our ‘brothers’ again on terms that are set by the Pakistani military establishment. PTI fails to understand that this is precisely what the Baloch want to resist and oppose.

No matter how radical the rhetoric, in reality PTI’s politics is conservative and traditional and, I believe, until it addresses the issues above, it will remain an agent of status quo rather than of change.

The writer is studying towards his doctorate in Economics at the New School for Social Research in New York City. He blogs at http://darumallah.blogspot.com and can be reached at fahdali@gmail.com

Source: Daily Times

Siasat ke rockstars

گزشتہ دنوں بالی وڈ کے نوجوان اداکار “رنبیرکپور” کی فلم “راک اسٹار “ ہوئی جس میں رنبیر نے ایک نوجوان گلوکار کا کردار نبھایا ہے جو کہ محّبت میں ناکامی کے بعد ایک “باغی” کے روپ میں ابھرتے ہوئے “سڈّا حق اُتّھے رکھ” کی صدا بلند کرتا ہے، اگرچہ فلم میں اے آررحمان کے ترتیب دیئے میوزک کوبہت پسند کیا گیالیکن فلم کو اس حد تک پذیرائی نہیں مل پائی اورباکس آفس پر سیمی ہٹ قرار پائی۔مرکزی کردارمیں باغیانہ جھلک کے حوالے سے ہندوستانی ویب سائٹ “فیکنگ نیوز” نے ایک سیٹائریکل فیچر چھاپا جس میں فلم کے مرکزی کردار اور ڈائرکٹر کی جانب سے یہ بیان دیا گیا تھا کہ بہت جلد رنبیر کپور باغی راک اسٹار کے روپ میں ٹی شرٹس اور پوسٹرز پر گوریلا انقلابی چی گویرا کی جگہ لے لیں گے۔

بھارت میں یہ تجربہ فلم تک محدود رہا لیکن پاکستان میں میوزیکل پرفارمنس ، ساٹھ اور ستّر کی دہائی کی انقلابی شاعری ، بائیں بازو کی اصطلاحات (جسے اب دائیں بازو کی جماعتوں اور سوشل نیٹ ورکس تک محدود لیفٹ کے تھکے ہوئے عناصر نے اپنا لیا ہے) کے سہارے عملا انقلابات لانے کا رجحان زور پکڑتا دکھائی دے رہا ہے

نوجوان گلوکار شہزاد رائے اپنی ایک میوزک وڈیو میں بغاوت پر آمادہ ایک نوجوان کے کردار کی منظرکشی کرتے “قسمت اپنے ہاتھ میں لینے کی دعوت دیتے ہوئے” خود کو میزائل حملے کا نشانہ بنتے دکھارہے ہیں اور اسی طرح کے میزائل حملوں پر سراپا احتجاج عمران خان کے جلسے میں “اٹھ باند کمر کیا ڈرتا ہے” گاتے ہوئے پائے جاتے ہیں، عمران کے اپنے لوگوں نے اسٹنگرز کے بل بوتے پرروس کے خلاف جہاد کیا تھا عمران نے “اسٹرنگز” کو ساتھ ملا لیا ہے اور علی عظمت اپنے فکری مرشد زید زمان حامد کی ہمنوائی کرتے دکھائی دیتے ہیں

سابق وزیراعظم نواز شریف کے فیصل آباد اور سندھ کے جلسوں میں بھی ہجوم اکٹھا کرنے کے لئے گلوکاروں کا سہارا لیا گیاسندھ کے شہر لاڑکانہ کے جلسے کے لئے لگائے گئےکیمپس سے لوگوں کو میاں نواز شریف کے جلسے سے خطاب سننے کی دعوت کے ساتھ یہ بھی بتایا جارہا تھا کہ اس موقع پر محفلِ موسیقی کا بھی انتظام کیا گیا ہے۔گانے کے لئے عوامی سطح پر مقبول گلوکار شمن میرالی کی خدمات حاصل کی گئیں تھیں، تاکہ لوگ تقریر سننے نہ سہی تماشہ دیکھنے کے بہانے ہی چلے آئیں

اب سیاسی عمل میں مقبولیت کی چانچ کا بنیادی عنصر تو بیلٹ باکس ہی ہے وہی اس بات کا فیصلہ ہوگا کہ کس کا شو زیادہ ہٹ رہا لیکن جب تک جانچ کا وہ مرحلہ آئے “سیاست میں میوزک” اور “میوزک میں سیاست” انجوائے کریں، ویسے بھی تماشہ کرنے میں اور دیکھنے میں کیا جاتا ہے

List of banned outfits: excision or exemption??

While Interior Ministry’s list of 31 organizations banned from collecting sacrificial animal’s hides include disused names of sectarian and Jihadi outfits. It misses two very important names. Jamaat-ud-dawa and Ahl-e-Sunnat Wal Jamaat. One can understand why JuD is missing in the list but ASWJ exclusion may raise a few eyebrows.

For starters let me remind that banned Sipah-e-Sahaba/Millat-e-Islamia and its militant wing Lashkar-e-Jhangvi are operating under a new name Ahl-e-Sunnat wal Jamaat. It is led by Maulana Ahmed Ludhianvi and is operating in cities of Punjab, Sindh and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Ironically the new adopted name is excluded from the list of banned outfits with restrictions on their fund raising and other activities. Is that a blunder, negligence or omission? Those observing their recent activities after the new embodiment can understand the reasons behind this excision.

The name of Sipah-e-Sahaba is synonymous to killing and obliterating lesser Muslims i.e. Shias, Ahmedis, Barelvis, lesser Pakistanis, i.e. Christians and Hindus and even lesser Deobandis. In the last two decades, while it has killed hundreds of Shias, it has not held itself back from killing dissidents in their own sect. Most of the attacks and bombings on security agencies personnels, offices and other places were carried down by the terrorists of Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, and were involved in the attacks on Sri Lankan cricket team. The much reprobated Shahbaz Sharif call to Taliban for discontinuing attacks in Punjab was actually an appeal to the leadership of SSP/LeJ, which has not been let down by them.

Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan(TTP) has many of its prominent leaders from SSP/Lej ranks. The present chief Hakimullah Mehsud, suicide bombing specialist Qari Hussain and one of their spokesmen Asmatullah Muawaia’s sectarian leanings are not a secret. SSP activists have jeered at Shias call of  “Salaam Ya Hussain” as “Salaam Ya Qari Hussain”, which I had seen an year ago on the shutters of a fair price shop of “Abdullah Enterprises” , a textile company located at 100 yard distance of Jamia Binoria SITE, and opposite to SITE Police station Karachi. In bughz-e-Shias they have cheered up a mass killer who is specialized in mass killings via his trained suicide bombers.

A new trend egressed since the political uprising in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, the banned SSP leaders suddenly turned into patriots and admirers of Pakistan Army. They are openly carrying on public meetings in support of Pakistan Army’s decision to send troops to Behrain. In a meeting there in Karachi, their provincial head, Rab Nawaz Hanafi  was extolling Behrain king’s oppression of his shia population and aid by Saudi Arabia and Pakistan Army, saying “Behrain mey tau khoob pitaai horahai hei shiaon ki”.

Ahmad Ludhianvi, the man who was provided an opportunity of spreading hatred against Shias in Dunya TV talk show hosted by Asma Chaudhry too was full of extolments for Pakistan Army in their stance on the good Haqqanis, and offered 200 thousand volunteers in case of an encounter with United States.

And it’s the reason; its present leadership is enjoying political support and a free run in big cities of Punjab and in Karachi. Their central, provincial and lower leadership is conducting public meetings, processions and fund raising activities. Their flags, graffiti and slogans can be seen on the walls varying in their contents from place to place. One can see this variation by comparing what has been sprayed in Orangi and Baldia Town and painted near Asghar Ali Shah Stadium North Nazimabad.

Freedom and Lights: Ode to Bombay – by Shaheryar Ali

Written on Novemebr 28, 2008

Once again they have attacked, at the heart of Bombay. Bombay is every thing which they hate. Bombay is Freedom, Bombay is Life, Bombay is Music, Bombay is Light. This is the  attack on city of Lights. 100 people have been killed in cold blood. The attack is an attempt to over throw Indian democracy and secularism. The madness which has engulfed this world due to George Bush’s and OBL’s war of Terror has now struck  India.

India stands as an anti thesis of every thing on which OBL and Bush believe. A country with many languages, cultures and religions and yet a nation united on the principles of democracy , secularism, equality and social justice and modernism..

They will fail to destroy India , they will fail to destroy the thousands of years old tradition of culture of tolerance and wisdom. Bombay lives, united and whole, full of lights and music, it will once again be. Prophets of darkness can never defeat Light. Because Light is eternal because Light is truth .  Bombay is the new Beirut , a war zone , where Imperialists  and Fascists play havoc. But neither did Beirut surrender nor will Bombay.

The gloomy night which came to city of lights has reminded me the lines of Faiz Ahmad Faiz , which he wrote for Lahore. “O city of Lights”. Today his city is Bombay. Today our city is Bombay and we will not surrender.

“City of Lights”

On each patch of green, from one shade to the next,
the noon is erasing itself by wiping out all color,
becoming pale, desolation everywhere,
the poison of exile painted on the walls.
In the distance,
there are terrible sorrows, like tides:
they draw back, swell, become full, subside.
They’ve turned the horizon to mist.
And behind that mist is the city of lights,
my city of many lights.

How will I return to you, my city,
where is the road to your lights? My hopes
are in retreat, exhausted by these unlit, broken walls,
and my heart, their leader, is in terrible doubt.

But let all be well, my city, if under
cover of darkness, in a final attack,
my heart leads its reserves of longings
and storms you tonight. Just tell all your lovers
to turn the wicks of their lamps high
so that I may find you, Oh, city,
my city of many lights.

(Translated by Agha Shahid Ali)

Courtesy: Sherryx’s Weblog

Imran Khan: the 12th man rises… by Omar Ali

Source: 3quarksdaily

Pakistan’s greatest cricketing hero and second most successful philanthropist entered politics 15 years ago, promising a progressive, Islamic, modern, corruption-free Pakistan. His position as the most successful captain in Pakistan’s cricket history, the founder of Pakistan’s finest cancer hospital (providing free modern cancer care to thousands) provided him instant cachet, but for a long time he was unable to convert this personal popularity into votes in actual elections. With a political platform heavy on slogans (particularly against corruption) but short on specifics and without any obvious connection to already existing grass-roots politics, he remained little more than a fixture on the talk-show circuit for a very long time. Brief flirtation with Pervez Musharraf also set him back, as did a tendency to spout fables about Jirgas and hobnob with jihadi ideologues like Hamid Gul. But his biggest problem was his failure to create a team that could carry his party forward. The Pakistani Tehreek e Insaf was a one man show, with Imran Khan its only impressive asset. Even in parties dominated by one strong leader, there are other leaders in the wings and a semi-coherent ideology that delivers a section of the vote-bank on ideological grounds alone. Imran had no visible team and no clear ideology beyond a promise to “eradicate corruption”.

He did seem to genuinely believe in the formulaic slogans and historical framework of the 6th grade “ideology of Pakistan” he learned in Aitcheson college. He has some vague notion of “the two nation theory” (basically, “we are not Indians”) and an even vaguer “respect” for Quaid E Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah and the Allama Iqbal, twin icons of Pakistan’s history. But like his middle class fans, it is a superficial and shallow belief system, with little to show beyond a few empty slogans like “Pakistan first”, “Islamic welfare state” and “we are all Pakistanis now, so we are no longer Punjabis, Sindhis, Pakhtoons or Balochis”. Behind the automatic repetitions of such slogans there does lurk an odor of “one folk, one party, one leader” fascism (as it does behind all crude nationalisms) but this is not to imply that Imran Khan is consciously thinking of leading a fascist takeover of Pakistan. His commitment to some notion of democracy seems genuine enough, though his priority (and this is not unusual among middle class nationalists) is nationalism, not democracy; in a crisis, he can easily convince himself that we may have to kill democracy to save the country. In any case, lacking organization and experience and without a good grasp of actual grass-roots politics, he was easily brushed aside by older established political parties.

Things changed in 2008. International pressure and a worsening domestic political position forced Pervez Musharraf to accept elections and eventually to bring “failed politicians” back in power. Imran Khan boycotted those elections, but came back on TV chat shows to dog the new (and admittedly, corrupt and incompetent) civilian setup at every step. Meanwhile, GHQ managed to win back some of its tarnished reputation by staying away from public view, letting Zardari take all the blame for every disaster (even ones GHQ itself had birthed). The Zardari regime also managed to select an exceptionally bad team, from a clueless prime minister to one of the worst collections of cabinet ministers in Pakistan’s history. His opposite number in the PMLN did a marginally better job in the provincial government in Punjab, but not by much. Continuous infighting, breaking and remaking of coalitions, massive corruption at every level, and a terrorism problem that has kept the nation unsafe for international investment, all these drained the existing political parties of credibility and created an opening for an outsider. Meanwhile, the deep state continued its   “good jihadi, bad jihadi” policy at home and its double game with the US abroad. With the Osama Bin Laden assassination, matters seem to have come to a head with the US. The Americans want GHQ to arrange for an orderly withdrawal from Afghanistan and appear willing to pay Pakistan for help in achieving this, but they are not yet ready to hand the place back to the Taliban and the Haqqanis and their Jihadi friends. GHQ meanwhile is playing hardball and smells victory (also smells disasters to come after victory, but victory has its own momentum)  and maybe feeling tempted to get rid of the present civilian setup , preferring a civilian regime that is more closely aligned with their own strategic vision. The Facebook generation and the deep state may thus both be ready to opt for Imran Khan. And Imran Khan, it seems, is ready to opt for them. He has sharpened his anti-American message (a message that appeals to both the jihadi and the left-liberal wings of the middle classes) and toned down criticism of the army. He is saying all the right things about drone attacks, peace with our Taliban brothers and an American defeat in Afghanistan. He has been well coached by Shireen Mazari and Hamid Gul and his party is using trained cadres from the Islami Jamiat e Tulaba as well as enthusiastic youngsters from the Facebook generation. The moment has produced the man.

Having produced the man, the next step was to launch him on to the political stage in suitable manner. That step was achieved in Lahore on the 30th of October. Whether the deep state helped out with the gathering or not, the crowd was impressive and enthusiastic. For most of the young people there, it was the first taste of a genuine mass event where everyone is pushing towards one goal with one voice. That this “goal” was being defined in the Paknationalist terms they have all been fed in school and in everyday propaganda was the icing on the cake. Grown men were seen to cry helplessly as carefully choreographed patriotic music blared and the crowd rose as one to sing the national anthem. Fed on a steady diet of news about corrupt, treacherous and unpatriotic politicians, the crowd was happy to anoint Imran Khan as the savior who will eradicate corruption and save the nation. A generation that never saw the much bigger gatherings of Benazir Bhutto and her father seems to have been swept off their feet by the event. And why not?  In addition to pushing the Paknationalist buttons, the rally had something for everyone. A prayer break (with the great leader praying alone on stage during the event) was followed by Shahzad Roy and guitar music.  Bearded boys with Al-Jihad headbands mingled good naturedly with middle class families and liberal students from LUMS and NUST. For one shining evening, it must have seemed like hope has been reborn.

But it is still difficult to see how all this will translate into electoral victory unless the deep state plans to manipulate elections in a big way. Pakistan is a parliamentary democracy and established parties, even when discredited, have a grass-roots organizational advantage. In addition, Imran Khan’s personal popularity is wide, but not deep. Very different groups are currently united under his wing, but when push comes to shove, ideological and political choices will have to be made. Right now, Imran Khan has liberal followers who coexist in the party with hardcore Islamists who made their bones in the Islami Jamiat e Tulaba. But as he gets closer to real power, choices will have to be made. Since his own understanding of politics and the future of Pakistan is fundamentally aligned with the Paknationalists of the Shireen Mazari and Ahmed Qureshi variety, I predict his choices will turn to out to match those of GHQ to an extent that may surprise a lot of his liberal fans.  This is a prediction, and I realize it is an unpopular one in the liberal blogosphere. Pakistani liberals are also hungry for a savior and right now they prefer to latch on to whatever little bones Imran is throwing in their direction (guitar music right after Magrib prayers, women in visible positions, a modern look and feel) but I fear that Imran Khan is not just repeating his 6th grade Islamiyat and Pakistan studies slogans because repeating simplified propaganda is part and parcel of modern mass politics. He is repeating them because he genuinely believes all those fables about rightly guided caliphs, Jirga justice, Islamic social welfare, the vision of Allama Iqbal, the “leadership of the Quaid e Azam” and so on. But since these stories are not too closely aligned with reality, historic or contemporary, a sincere believer is likely to become a pawn in the hands of those with a clearer vision of what they want and a more realistic view of politics and power. The Leninist term “useful idiot” comes to mind, but in this case it is not Pakistan’s 37 Leninists but it’s much more determined deep state that are likely to take advantage of Khan sahib’s naiveté.

Of course, this may not be a done deal yet. Imran clearly has an idealistic bent and even GHQ may not find his crusading zeal easy to contain. And while everyone from Humayun Gohar to Ayaz Amir may be excited by this rally, reality has a way of setting in in Pakistan. The Paknationalist agenda is not new. Army men sitting in mess halls have been carping about unpatriotic politicians, bloody provincialists and separatists, uneducated Pakistani masses and massive foreign conspiracies for decades. But they have failed to wave a magic wand to fix these problems, not because they held back, but because no magic wand actually exists. Wanting to clean up Pakistan and run it like a tight ship (the current model is supposedly China, though a few inconvenient details come to mind: a 3000 year old civilization, a century of revolutions and wars, a genuine mass-based party and titanic achievements and failures,  modern capitalism embraced like never before, and so much more) is all well and good, but you cannot create anything you want out of thin air; you have to work with what exists and the properties of what exists are not necessarily what the Paknationalists think they are. History and society may have features that make some choices possible and others nearly impossible. Paknationalism of the GHQ type does not have a sufficient overlap with history, political realities or the various cultures of Pakistan to allow the creation of the homogenous- Islamic-modern-military-mullah-netizen hybrid that is being desired.  But it is possible that this vision has enough overlap with the common dreams of Pakistan’s middle class youth to let them have a go at it. One just hopes it evolves towards sanity and a softer nationalism instead of doubling down and going for broke by grasping “this sorry scheme of things entire; would we not shatter it to bits and then, remold it nearer to heart’s desire

 

Question of Corruption – by Wajahat Masood

مسلم تاریخ کے ابتدائی برسوں ہی میں خوارج کا مسئلہ اٹھ کھڑا ہوا۔ مدینہ کے کسی شہری نے حضرت علی سے سوال کیا کہ آخر خارجیوں میں کیا خرابی ہے ، باتیں تو بہت اچھی کرتے ہیں۔ مولا علی نے فرمایا ٴٴوہ سچ کہتے ہیں لیکن سچ کو باطل کے لیے استعمال کرنا چاہتے ہیں۔

صاحب خارجیوں کا طریقۂ واردات یعنی ایک جزوی سچ کو پوری حقیقت سے علیحدہ کر کے اپنے مقاصد کے لیے اچھالنا پاکستان کی تاریخ میں بہت استعمال ہوا۔ پاکستان کا مطالبہ ہی لے لیں۔ تقسیم کیسے ہو گی؟ تقسیم کی حدود کیا ہوں گی؟ باقی ماندہ ہندوستان میں رہ جانے والے مسلمانوں کا کیا ہو گا؟ پاکستان کی غیر مسلم آبادی کا کیا بنے گا؟ مسلم اکثریتی بنگال اور شمال مغربی ہندوستان کے جغرافیائی طور پر غیر متصل منطقوں میں رابطے کی کیا صورت ہو گی؟ پاکستان کی معیشت کیا ہو گی؟ برطانوی ہندوستان میں موجود ریاستوں کا الحاق کس اصول کی بنیاد پر ہو گا؟ پاکستان مسلم اکثریتی ملک ہو گا یا روایتی مسلم ذہن میں موجود غیر تاریخی اسلامی ریاست ہو گا؟ ان سوالات پر غور کرنے کی ضرورت ہی محسوس نہیں کی گئی۔ اونٹ پر بیٹھنے کے شوق میں کوہان کا خیال ہی نہیں آیا۔

پاکستان بننے کے بعد جدید تعلیم یافتہ مسلمانوں کے ہاتھ قائد اعظم کی ایک تقریر آ گئی ۔ حیدر آباد دکن کے ایک پیش امام شبیر احمد عثمانی اور لیاقت علی خان کی ریشہ دوانی سے مولوی لوگ کے ہاتھ قراردادِ مقاصد لگ گئی۔ ان دو ڈنڈوں سے مسلح یہ دونوں طبقے دس برس تک گڑ کی اس بھیلی پر بندروں کی طرح لڑتے رہے، جسے آئین کہتے ہیں۔ اس سے اگلے دس برس اچھے خاصے باشعور لوگ ایوب خان کے انقلاب میں انٹا غفیل رہے۔ اگلے عشرے میں ہم پر کشف ہوا کہ ذوالفقار علی بھٹو نامی ایک شخص ہے جسے اگر کوہالا پل پر پھانسی دے دی جائے تو پاکستان میں دودھ اور شہد کی نہریں بہنے لگیں گی۔ کوہالا پل پر تو نہیں البتہ اڈیالہ جیل میں بھٹو صاحب کو پھانسی دے دی گئی۔ لیکن ہمارے اجتماعی گلے کی پھانس نہیں نکلی۔ اگلے دس برس ہم نے دو شغل اپنائے۔ آدھا ملک تو بندوقیں اٹھا کر ہمسایہ ملک افغانستان کے مسائل حل کرنے چلا گیا اور جو باقی بچے وہ اسلامی نظام کے سراب کے پیچھے چل نکلے۔ شہر کو خالی پا کر جنگلی درندے گلی کوچوں میں گھس آتے ہیں۔ سو آئندہ دس برس یہ درندے فرقوں کے سوال پر پاکستان کے شہریوں کا خون بہاتے رہے۔ امریکا میں تین طیارے بلند عمارتوں سے نہ ٹکراتے تو ہم نے شیعہ، سنی مسئلہ حل کر لیا تھا نیز ہم نے کشمیر بھی حاصل کر لیا ہوتا۔ اور ابھی چار برس پہلے برادرم آصف محمود بقلم خود ٴٴپلکوں میں سپنوں کی حدت لیےٴٴ آزاد عدلیہ ڈھونڈنے نکلے تھے ۔

اب ہماری بے دست و پائی کو ایک نیا شغل ملا ہے۔ ہم نے پاکستان کے اٹھارہ کروڑ لوگوں میں بالآخر ایک شخص ڈھونڈ لیا ہے جو بدعنوان ہے۔ ہمارا یہ واضح فیصلہ ہے کہ اگر آصف علی زرداری نامی اس شخص کا ٹینٹوا دبا لیا جائے تو مہنگائی ختم ہو جائے گی، بجلی کی کمی دور ہو جائے گی، یہ شخص گیس کے پائپ پر پائوں رکھے کھڑا ہے، اسے دھکا دینے سے گیس کی لوڈ شیڈنگ ختم ہو جائے گی، غریبوں کو دو روپے کی روٹی ملے گی، برسات کی کھمبیوں کی طرح اگنے والے مذہبی مدرسوں کو نامعلوم ذرائع سے ملنے والی مالی امداد بند ہو جائے گی، پاکستان میں جگہ جگہ کارخانے کھلیں گے، ترقی یافتہ ممالک ہمارے تعلیمی اداروں کی اسناد تسلیم کرنا شروع کر دیں گے، کاندھوں پر ڈالروں کی گٹھریاں اٹھائے غیر ملکی سرمایہ کار پاکستان کا رخ کریں گے۔ مختصر یہ کہ ہماری داستانوں کی روایتی جوان عورت کہنیوں تک سونے کے کنگن پہنے، سولہ سنگھار کیے، کراچی سے چل کرپشاور تک جائے گی اور اسے کسی قسم کا خوف نہیں ہو گا۔

چونکہ قوم کی تعمیر، وفاق کے استحکام، نظامِ حکومت اور معاشی ترقی کا ہمارا اجتماعی تجربہ نہایت کامیاب رہا ہے اور ہم نے اپنے تمام قومی نصب العین کامیابی سے حاصل کر لیے ہیں۔ چنانچہ یقین رکھنا چاہیے کہ آصف علی زرداری کو گرانے کا منصوبہ بھی کامیابی سے ہمکنار ہو گا۔

بدعنوانی کا یہ بھیڑیا ساٹھ برس سے ایک سائے کی طرح ہمارے ساتھ چل رہا ہے۔ ہم نے لیاقت علی خان کی وزارتِ عظمیٰ میں ٴپروڈاٴ نامی ایک قانون بنایا جس کی مدد سے بدعنوان سیاست دانوں پر پابندیاں لگائی گئیں۔ ایوب خان نے ایبڈو نامی ایک قانون بنایا اور سیاست دانوں کی ایک پوری نسل کو، جو نہایت بدعنوان تھی، سیاست سے بے دخل کر دیا۔ اس کے بعد گندھارا انڈسٹریز کی بنیاد رکھی گئی۔ ایوب خان اور ان کے ساتھیوں کی دیانت داری کے باعث ہماری تاریخ میں گندھارا تہذیب کو بلند مقام حاصل ہے ۔ یحییٰ خان چونکہ ایک نہایت مستعد، بالغ الذہن اور سیدھے سادھے سولجر تھے انہوں نے 303 بدعنوان اہلکار نکال باہر کیے۔ بھٹو صاحب کی حکومت انقلابی تھی، انہوں نے 1300 بدعنوان پکڑ لیے۔

صاحب ہم نے اتنے بدعنوان نکالے لیکن ہمارا کنواں پاک نہیں ہوا۔ چنانچہ امیر المومنین ضیاالحق کے سریر آرائے مسند ہونے کے بعد ہم نے اخبارات میں اداریے لکھے کہ ٴپہلے احتساب اور پھر انتخابٴ۔ ہم نے نیشنل سنٹر کے سیمیناروں میں صدرِ محترم سے التجائیں کیں کہ ٴجنابِ صدر احتساب شروع کریںٴ۔ یاد رکھیے کہ وہی صدر محترم ہوتا ہے جو فوجی وردی میں ملبوس ہو۔ چاروں صوبوں کے منتخب نمائندوں کے ووٹ سے منتخب ہونے والے کسی شخص کو ہم احترام کا سزاوار نہیں سمجھتے۔ ضیاالحق صاحب گیارہ برس قوم کا احتساب کرتے رہے۔ منجملہ دیگر عنایات کے، انہوں نے ہمارے آئین کی دودفعات62 اور 63 میں اپنی مومنانہ بصیرت سے کام لے کر کچھ ایسے اضافے کیے جن کی مدد سے اگر صحیح احتساب کیا جائے تو پاکستان کا ہر شہری قابلِ گردن زدنی ٹھہرے گا ، سوائے ان اہل صفا کے جن کی پشت پر ٴصالحیتٴ کی ایسی ہی مہر ہو گی جیسی ڈنگر ڈاکٹر صحت مند جانوروں کی تھل تھلاتی راسوں پر ثبت کرتا ہے۔

ضیاالحق صاحب کی خود کاشتہ ذریات کو بھی احتساب کا شغل عزیز رہا۔ قرونِ اولیٰ کے مسلمانوں جیسے اوصافِ حمیدہ رکھنے والے ایک رجل رشید سیف الرحمن کی سربراہی میں احتساب بیورو بنایا گیا تھا۔ تاہم بات کچھ بنی نہیں۔ غالباً کسی سازش کے باعث احتساب کامیاب نہ ہو سکا۔ چنانچہ ایک نہایت درد مند عسکری سالار جنرل پرویز مشرف کو مداخلت کرنا پڑی۔ جنہوں نے نیب نامی ایک ادارہ قائم کیا۔ نازی جرمنی کے عقوبت خانوں کے دروازے پر لکھا ہوتا تھا۔ ٴٴکام کرنے ہی میں آزادی ہےٴٴ۔ پرویز مشرف کے قائم کردہ نیب کے صدر دروازے پر کندہ تھا۔
آدمی ہے وہ بھلا، در پہ جو رہے پڑا

چنانچہ جن مصفا ہستیوں نے پرویز مشرف کی چوکھٹ پر سجدہِ سہو کیا، وہ دھل دھلا کر ایسے پاک صاف ہو گئے جیسے شیر خوار بچہ۔ تاہم کچھ ایسے فتنہ پرور اور بدعنوان لوگ تھے جنہوں نے جیلیں کاٹیں، جن پر تشدد کیا گیا، لیکن وہ اصلاح پر مائل نہیں ہوئے۔ آج کل قوم کو انہی عناصر کا احتساب مطلوب ہے۔ Continue reading

Mashriq Lahore Editorial: Imran Khan’s revolutionary program?

لاہور میں پاکستان تحریک انصاف کا جلسہ اس جماعت کی گزشتہ پندرہ برس کی کارکردگی کے تناظر میں کامیاب رہا۔ 1996ء میں قائم ہونے والی تحریک انصاف نے اب تک منعقد ہونے والے انتخابات میں صرف ایک نشست پر کامیابی حاصل کی اور یہ نشست عمران خان نے 2002ئ کے عام انتخابات میں میانوالی سے حاصل کی تھی۔ اس زمانے میں فوجی آمریت نے مسلم لیگ نوازٞ اور پاکستان پیپلز پارٹی پر عرصۂ حیات تنگ کر رکھا تھا۔ پارلیمانی قوت کے تناسب سے عمران خان اور ان کی سیاسی جماعت کو ذرائع ابلاغ بالخصوص نجی ٹیلی ویږن چینلز پر جس قدر پذیرائی ملی، پاکستان میں اس کی کوئی مثال نہیں ملتی۔ اس کے باوجود تحریک انصاف کے بارے میں کبھی یہ تاثر قائم نہیں ہوا کہ یہ جماعت بڑے پیمانے پر انتخابی کامیابی حاصل کرسکتی ہے۔ سیاسی تجزیہ کاروں نے اس کے اسباب میں عمران خان کے طرز قیادت کے علاوہ ان کی جماعت کے سیاسی موقف کی مبینہ کمزوریوں کو بھی شمار کیا ہے۔ بایں ہمہ حالیہ مہینوں میں یہ تاثر عام ہوا ہے کہ وفاق اور صوبوں میں حکومتوں کی بدانتظامی اور بڑھتے ہوئے عوامی مسائل کے تناظر میں مقبول سیاسی قیادت سے عوامی بیگانگی کے باعث عمران خان کی عوامی پذیرائی میں اضافہ ہوا ہے۔ مرکزی پنجاب کے کچھ حصوں میں عوامی حمایت کے مظاہروں کے بعد تحریک انصاف نے پاکستان کے سیاسی مرکز لاہور میں جلسے کا اعلان کیا تو اس سے سیاسی حلقوں میں کافی ہلچل پیدا ہوئی۔ اس جلسے سے صرف دو روز پہلے ریلی منعقد کرکے پنجاب کی حکمران جماعت مسلم لیگ نوازٞ نے گویا تحریک انصاف کے جلسے کی اہمیت بڑھا دی۔ مسلم لیگ نوازٞ کی ریلی کے بغیر تحریک انصاف کا جلسہ سیاسی خلا میں ایک ایسی صدا قرار پاتا جس کی کوئی بازگشت نہیں ہوتی۔ یہ امر واضح ہے کہ تحریک انصاف نے اس جلسے کے ذریعے اپنی انتظامی صلاحیت اور عوامی حمایت کا اچھا مظاہرہ کیا ہے۔ تاہم جلسے کے کلیدی مقرر اور جماعت کے سربراہ عمران خان کی تقریر میں کوئی ایسا نکتہ نہیں تھا جسے ان کے موعودہ انقلاب سے تعبیر کیا جاسکے۔ ان کا سیاسی موقف اپنے استقلال اور داخلی تضادات کے ساتھ عوام پر اچھی طرح واضح ہے اور ان کی تقریر اسی موقف کا اعادہ تھی۔

عمران خان صاحب محکمہ مال کا ریکارڈ کمپیوٹر پر لا کر پٹواری کا منصب ختم کرنا چاہتے ہیں۔ اس میں کوئی شک نہیں کہ پٹواری ہماری معاشرتی روایت میں بدعنوانی اور رشوت کا استعارہ ہے۔ تاہم بدعنوانی پٹواری کی ذات پر موقوف نہیں بلکہ اجتماعی رویوں سے جنم لیتی ہے اور کمپیوٹر اجتماعی رویوں یا نااہلی کا انسداد نہیں کرسکتا۔ اگر ایسا ہوتا تو امسال پنجاب کے تعلیمی بورڈز کو اپنے نتائج منسوخ نہ کرنا پڑتے۔ عمران خان صاحب نے تھانہ کلچر میں تبدیلی کا نسخہ منتخب تھانیدار یا شیرف کی صورت میں دریافت کیا ہے۔ یہ امر قابل اطمینان ہے کہ اگرچہ عمران خان کو منتخب صدر، منتخب وزرائے اعلیٰ، اور منتخب ارکان اسمبلی کی دیانتداری پر اعتماد نہیں تاہم وہ منتخب تھانیدار کی دیانتداری پر مکمل اعتماد رکھتے ہیں اور سمجھتے ہیں کہ پولیس کو سیاسی اثرات سے پاک کرنے کا طریقہ یہ ہے کہ تھانیدار کو علاقے کے لوگ منتخب کریں۔

عمران خان حکومتی عہدیداروں سے ان کے اثاثے معلوم کرنا چاہتے ہیں اور آئندہ چند ماہ میں یہ اثاثے ظاہر نہ ہونے کی صورت میں سول نافرمانی کا ارادہ رکھتے ہیں۔ قابل ذکر بات یہ ہے کہ عمران خان کو صرف منتخب سرکاری عہدیداروں کے اثاثوں میں دلچسپی ہے۔ سوال یہ ہے کہ ہر انتخابی امیدوار کو اپنے اثاثوں کا اعلان کرنا ہوتا ہے۔ منتخب نمائندے الیکشن کمیشن کو اپنے منقولہ اور غیر منقولہ اثاثوں کی تفصیل بیان کرنے کے پابند ہیں۔ ان گوشواروں میں کسی بددیانتی کی صورت میں انتخابی عذر داری دائر کی جاسکتی ہے۔ ایسی صورت میں عمران خان کی سول نافرمانی غالباً مربوط سیاسی اور معاشی پروگرام نہ ہونے کی عکاسی کرتی ہے۔ اس اہم خطاب میں عمران خان نے جمہوری نظام سے وابستگی کے بارے میں ایک لفظ نہیں کہا۔ 1600 ارب سے لے کر 1800 ارب روپے کے کل سالانہ محصولاتی حجم میں بیرونی قرضوں کی واپسی، دفاع اور انتظامی اخراجات نکال کر جو باقی بچتا ہے عمران خان اس کا حساب چاہتے ہیں۔ یہ ان کا شہری اور جمہوری حق ہے لیکن ان اثاثوں کا کل حجم ملک کی مجموعی معیشت میں کیا تبدیلی لاسکتا ہے۔ کیا عمران خان نعروں کی مدد سے بجٹ کے خسارے، بیرونی سرمایہ کاری کے فقدان اور کمزور صنعتی شعبے اور تجارتی خسارے جیسے معاشی مسائل حل کرنا چاہتے ہیں۔ 1999ئ سے لے کر 2002ئ کے انتخابات تک عمران خان کو جنرل پرویز مشرف کا قرب سلطانی حاصل تھا اور آمر کا احتسابی بیورو سرگرم تھا۔ عمران خان نے معیشت کو ترقی دینے کا یہ نسخہ تب کیوں استعمال نہیں کیا۔ پاکستان میں کوئی ایسا قانون موجود نہیں جس کی مدد سے شہریوں کو اپنے جائز اثاثے ملک سے باہر لے جانے سے روکا جا سکے۔ درحقیقت کھلی منڈی کی معیشت سرمائے کے آزادانہ انتقال کا دوسرا نام ہے۔

دہشت گردی کے مسئلے پر عمران خان کے خیالات میں کوئی ندرت نہیں۔ وہ عسکریت پسندوں، پاکستان کی سرزمین پر قبضہ کرنے والوں، ہزاروں پاکستانیوں کو شہید کرنے والے اور لاکھوں پاکستانی شہریوں کو یرغمالی بنانے والوں کے خلاف فوجی کارروائی کے مخالف ہیں۔ عمران خان کے حامی انہیں ملک کا وزیراعظم دیکھنا چاہتے ہیں۔ ملک کے وزیراعظم کو آئین اور ملک کی سلامتی کے تحفظ کا حلف اٹھانا پڑتا ہے۔ یہ سمجھنا مشکل ہے کہ عمران خان عسکریت پسندوں کے خلاف کارروائی نہ کرنے اور بطور وزیراعظم اپنے حلف میں کس طرح مطابقت پیدا کریں گے۔ غالباً اس کا جواب یہی ہے کہ وزیراعظم کے منصب پر پہنچنے کے لیے انتخابات میں کامیابی ضروری ہے۔ انتخابی عمل انقلاب کا نہیں، آئین کے تسلسل کا تقاضا کرتا ہے۔ شاید اسی لیے عمران خان چند ماہ بعد سول نافرمانی شروع کرنے کا ارادہ رکھتے ہیں جب آئندہ انتخابات میں ایک سال سے کم مدت باقی رہ جائے گی۔ جس طرح عمران خان نے قومی معیشت کے کلیاتی خد و خال کو نظر انداز کرکے ایک جزو پر توجہ مرکوز کررکھی ہے اسی طرح وہ پاکستان کے قومی سیاسی منظر میں صرف پنجاب کے ایک خاص حصے کو ہدف بنائے ہوئے ہیں۔ پاکستان کی تاریخ میں بہت سے مسیحا آئے اور پھر اپنے صدری نسخوں سمیت تاریخ کے اوراق میں گم ہوگئے۔ اگر عمران خان اس روایت کو تبدیل کرنا چاہتے ہیں تو انہیں اپنے سیاسی موقف پر سنجیدگی سے غور و فکر کرنا چاہیے۔

بشکریہ: مشرق لاہور

Paint it Black!!! Dr Adib Rizvi road

On July 23, 2010, President Asif Ali Zardari while signing “gift of life” certificate ceremony announced that his government would nominate prominent medical professional, philanthropist and founder of Sindh Institute of Urology and Transplantation (SIUT) Dr Adibul Hassan Rizvi for Nobel Peace Prize in recognition of his services in the field of organ transplant.

Dr Abdus Salam defaced grave

Our memories of First Pakistani Nobel laureate, Dr Abdus Salam are not gratifying though, the pioneer of our much lionized Nuclear program faced discrimination at home.

“He was never honoured in his own country because, as an Ahmadi, he became a non-Muslim under the Second Amendment of the 1973 Constitution. He died on Nov 21, 1996, in Oxford and, in accordance with his last wish, was buried in Pakistan. There was no official mourning, no recognition of the laurels he had won for his country and no representative of the government attended his funeral. The inscription on his tombstone initially read: “The first Muslim Nobel Laureate” but the word “Muslim” was effaced by the authorities, turning the inscription into the nonsensical “First Nobel Laureate.” (Source)

The secernment has been institutionalised by the state. On June 26, 2011, a tender notice was published in Urdu and English newspapers by Karachi Nuclear Power Complex. The tender notice was about scrap items offered for auction but KNPC administration didn’t hesitate to remind us of our blessed Nuclear assets. And added following ‘Note’ at the end,

“For the visit of site Plant, only Muslims with NADRA original CNIC will be allowed after confirming at Security Gate”

KNPC Tender notice

Ironically it is the same plant, which was founded due to tireless efforts of Dr Abdus Salam and Premier Bhutto was accompanied by Dr Salam and Munir A Khan at the inauguration ceremony. After two years, Friend of Dr Salam had to sign a constitutional amendment declaring him a Non-Muslim.

Maulana Noorani, who was on the forefront of Anti-Ahmadiyya campaign, which resulted in 2nd constitutional amendment, a decade later was asked about the Anti-Shia campaign revived by Deobandi firebrand clerics from Punjab, he replied sarcastically, “Hamein pata hei, Kaaley Jhandey Ke Baad Harey Jhandey Ki Baari Hei” (We know, after the black flag, they will turned against the green one).

Unfortunately, the campaign turned violent as Jihadi delirium in the last two decades has turned the hate mongers into killing machines. Jihadi recruitment and training centers have delegated powers and expertise to the activists of sectarian outfits, who demonstrates it by burning Christians alive in Gojra, killing Ahmedis at their places of worships in Lahore, killing Shia doctors, professionals, clerics and Hazaras in Queta.

The person President Zardari has wished to propose for prestigious Nobel peace prize is also from Shia community and has survived many assassinations attempt. After one and a half year of President Zardari’s announcement, One can hardly find any details, whether Govt of Pakistan has proposed his name or not, and like others, I almost forgot the announcement, but an email by a friend from my home city Karachi has impelled me to recall it.

The email includes some images captured via mobile, showing name plates of a road named after Dr Adib Rizvi, but it has odiously been showered(sprayed) with black paint in such a way that it hardly can be read.

The boards are located at Ghani Chowrangi, on the road going toward scrap market from SITE Area . The same road has Government college of Technology SITE, a stronghold of IJT, student wing of  violent Islamist party and terrorists sympathiser Jamat Islami.

The chowrangi has IJT flags all over, wall chalking and political slogans all around, as they have a habit of occupying every available space with it.

But the black spray on Dr Adibul Hasan Rizvi’s name tells another story. As there are two boards with names on both sides. They have consumed the paint over making the name unreadable, especially the surname, ‘Rizvi’ commonly associated with Shia Muslims.

Karachi and Lahore are witnessing violence against Shia Muslims intensified in the Last two decades. Many intellectuals and professionals have been killed for their crime of being part of Shia community and having surnames associated to Shia Muslims. The way it gone unnoticed or misrepresented is evident from the distorted arguments and misleading terminologies used for such incidents.

Dailytimes and columnist Dr Mohammad Taqi in his Op-ed yesterday referring to this tendency writes,

Many seasoned human rights campaigners have either remained mum or have issued subdued statements literally sanitising the premeditated mass murder underway in and around Quetta. Terms like ‘sectarian killings’, with connotations of a tit-for-tat warfare between equal groups for similar motives, have been deployed.(Source)

In previous term of PML-N, a senior Punjab Police official now CM Advisor was accused of his alleged links with Anti-Shia militias and in this term its Law minister is a known sympathiser of these outfits.

In Karachi, these elements are on a free run, as the complex political situation, and a broadly used term “Target Killings” provides a cover to their activities and is often misrepresented as I stated above.

Abbas Zaidi, Writer, Linguist and a dearest friend in his Op-ed about Supreme Court much celebrated verdict states,

The Taliban and the SSP appear only once each and in a context where Shias can only pull their hair in frustration and disbelief. About the Taliban, the verdict says: “Karachi’s ethnic wars have claimed some 1,000 lives this year, with more than 100 in the past week alone. By contrast the Taliban and other religious extremists kill tiny numbers in Karachi” (page 137).

One would like to ask: how tiny is a tiny number? The verdict has simply not mentioned hundreds of Shias killed in the past few years. What is the point of enumerating the number of people killed in just one year and blot out hundreds of people killed in the previous years? (Source)

President Zardari, while addressing the ceremony, I have mentioned earlier further said,

“The world had in the past converted noble Pakistanis into war machines and warriors. Although this chapter is closed now, Pakistan is still trying to adapt to the changed situation.”(Dawn)

The role of our own state and intelligence apparatus cannot be pushed aside in turning people into War machines, as well as their aiding and abetting of these Anti-Shia outfits for various ideological and political reasons.

In the last decade of our love and hate relations with Jihadis, I was using the famous Urdu saying of “Mey kambal ko Chodta hun, Laikin Kambal mujhe Nahi Chorhta”. But unfortunately there’s not even a wish to get rid of this mess. And every act of us, even our urge of giving peace a chance is negated by what we are practicing.

President Zardari said the world should look at the good in Pakistan and its people.

“Pakistan is proud of people like Dr Adib Rizvi, Abdus Sattar Edhi and Benazir Bhutto. Dr Adib Rizvi and Abdus Sattar Edhi could have made fortunes by pursuing some other profession in other countries.”

Dear President! Pakistan has their first and foremost responsibility to defend their people against hate mongers and Insane killers. And it failed miserably in this regard.